3 r1 |+ u$ b ^9 q" N 3 a" F! n4 j) ]3 N+ `3 Z5 Ctvb now,tvbnow,bttvb政法委高於「兩高」1 z" r2 f5 [$ E
黨大於法彰彰明甚TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。6 z/ B( D3 _, Y: _& d4 H
+ d( w; i, {% L) d% G+ d( JTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。不過，周永康案畢竟已經展開調查，只差在調查及審訊會否有透明度，讓內地社會從中汲取教訓：像周永康般以「維穩」為名而上下其手，炮製獨立的司法王國政法系統，耗用幾千億維穩經費搞得全國上下緊張兮兮，像2008年北京奧運期間的嚴苛保安措施，北京卻因此變了鐵桶般密不透風。 / ~1 }* S( X$ V. n公仔箱論壇 9 L$ z% H4 T+ X1 l# K* X, Q5.39.217.77:8898中央政法委不屬於國家行政部門，是中共黨內一個機關，現任書記是中央政治局委員孟建柱，委員包括最高人民法院院長周強，以及最高人民檢察院檢察長曹健明，兩個本應獨立的法檢系統負責人，都在政法委書記麾下，這種以黨代政的做法，最好在依法治國方針之下清除淨盡，這樣法治才可以全面開展。四中全會之後接着舉行中紀委全會上，公開報道並未提及周永康案，未來發展值得留意。 * O0 H# s4 J6 d; b4 Z' X. c公仔箱論壇TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。% N3 g4 x1 W( ^% r1 R; V0 `# K+ L
以黨治法現象的出現，客觀上與中共仍未解決「黨大抑或法大」的老問題有着千絲萬縷關係。這也是一個延續近30年仍未解決的司法發展死結，「黨大抑或法大」的質疑首先出現於1985年，時任人大委員長彭真被香港傳媒問到這個問題時，坦率表示「我也不清楚」。當時中共剛經歷文革，百廢待興，改革開放才起步，若那時未能就此釐清情有可原；惟是已近30年後的今天，四中全會的新聞公報仍未有就此說明清楚，而仍是強調「黨的領導」，「着力建設一支忠於黨、忠於國家、忠於人民、忠於法律的社會主義法治工作隊伍」，黨的排名高於其他，恐怕這一討論此刻不可能有清晰結果。 7 l* F, `& A: M0 N8 s; ^- O, @TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb& a# ]2 z4 G- r) Y. Y
法治教育長年匱乏5.39.217.77:88988 y8 U, h9 t8 |8 v% N
地方官員干預司法 3 s) G+ h {- C& a# n. J3 [4 a ! N. r0 i' Q q- e" aTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。內地的法治多年來一直予人詬病「有法不依」，個別地方上的情况更是惡劣，這與法治教育不彰有關，但長久以來的官僚架構更是促成情况惡化的主要成因之一。黨政官員兼任政法工作，造成干預司法情况普遍，如此之下，不要說監察司法，連司法系統不受干擾也難以做到。今次四中全會受到注目，便是人們對「依法治國」能夠徹底落實，並且做到真正司法系統獨立的期許。習近平上台以來，在打貪方面展現強勢，貪官手到拿來，但如今「依法治國」所面對的是幾十年來的黨大於法的迷思，能否有所成，是國人目光所在。 : Z; | A; ^# ~+ { w( gTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。( u8 t! \( N; t+ |+ L5 q% R, U
習近平「被」妥協，依法治國成空話？ ! s- x' t5 R0 D! v0 \TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。" Z7 }0 o! m' p
[youtube]3EIllnb6-Zk[/youtube]作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-10-27 07:38 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-27 07:44 AM 編輯 ( f) }/ Z% _, a7 a4 h) [tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb + ?/ K9 ^# G0 \1 I. z. s" i四中全會｜耶大教授：中共「依法治國」的真正意思tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb. E0 m# p9 y2 `2 M) O) @9 k
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。1 ~- v. _1 M4 M/ j: u
: Q& @$ `% A" P$ [0 I5.39.217.77:8898美國耶魯大學法學院教授兼該校中國法律中心主任葛維寶（Paul Gewirtz），就著近期香港爆發連串的民主抗爭，被中國官方《人民日報》標纖為「非法」及呼籲維護香港的「法治」，以至用「依法治國」為主題的四中全會，於《紐約時報》撰文，談及中國如何理解法治（rule of law）這個原則。 ; M$ t, e% y7 p7 J! \- i+ W' R5.39.217.77:88989 m0 f0 D$ k' f: u& q% r3 @2 L
葛維寶的文章題為＜中國眼中的法治＞（What China Means by “rule of law”），開宗明義提到《人民日報》強調香港的佔領者「違法」，並呼籲大眾維護「法治」，從而令人想到當權者想用法律來控制與規範社會。話雖如此，大陸對於所謂法治的解讀，比起《人民日報》此前所說的，可謂更為錯綜複雜。葛維寶認為，即使今天四中全會空前地以「依法治國」為重點，但這並不代表中國會有真正的司法獨立，也不代表中國會有政黨輪替，而司法制度改革的最大制肘，正是在中國一黨專政的體制當中。由此可見，在四中全會之後，所謂的「依法治國」，將是強調以法律來維持社會秩序的施政方針。 ( u; r7 S) n6 h1 b8 @公仔箱論壇' B- K3 [- f+ h( l& D }& o
不過，比起國家主席習近平經常引述的法家思想，「依法治國」實在有更深遠的含義。葛維寶指出，中國現時的法律及社會制度早就比二千多年前的法家社會" D- T+ [* _6 d* n6 l7 F9 h+ w
大相逕庭，加上近年中國亦屢歷改革，領導層亦意識到需要變更管治手法，才能適應公眾期望，是以他們所謂的法治，也逐步走向「現代定義」。文章解釋，當下中國對於從前「法治」的釋義，已經對於原初立國時的定義有所不同，甚至更為豐富：使用死刑的次數比從前少約一半，而且也有較好的程序處理相關判刑；新的《刑事訴訟法》（Criminal Procedure Law）亦已被採納，讓被告及疑犯得到更高保障；「再勞教」的制度亦告取消。凡此種種，中國司法的公開性和透明度是有進步的。5.39.217.77:8898* m6 v, M) U5 }% }
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可是講到憲制主義，即憲法高於黨的地位，在中國仍然是一個未能觸及的領域。隨著中國一系列改革，反映政府與人民的關係也因「透明度」提高有所轉變；公仔箱論壇# r S1 d `4 M- V7 B
然而，也有很多批評者覺得，中國官員屢次「妖魔化」憲政，繼而架空憲法的行徑，是最終不能有效看待法制改革的幕後黑手。葛維寶補充，目前中國並無有效機制確保憲法得以有效實施，是為一大缺陷，但可幸的是，這種敏感議題，至少在此時此刻，能夠讓有關方面藉此機會作出討論。 . D) Q' e" D$ h. n7 {5.39.217.77:88987 \7 q5 g6 Y; l; B, i3 b
簡單來說，「依法治國」的意思是確立一個制度，不單是用來約束社會及其騷動，也是用來約束政府自身。最後，葛維寶總結，「依法治國」的方針並非是要 9 i% W3 U( p6 M k推翻以往所說的「和諧社會」政策，也並非要對於異見分子－－諸如西藏及新疆－－的打壓。在中央領導人的眼中，「和諧社會」是一個造就穩定經濟發展、脫貧的施政策略；而「依法治國」，則是一個讓中央領導人窺看法治何以促進社會穩定的契機，進而履行法制改革。9 ^9 @5 v! |2 S$ [: r$ U
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葛維寶稱，在中國同樣包含了很多反對改革制度的社會人士，無不令改革派受到阻礙；對此，他認同中國改革的步伐與進程。( L; z* Q! E" q r5 ?
" \& S% w3 j8 {4 {! n0 tTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 & h0 h9 r% I# j6 ltvb now,tvbnow,bttvbWhat China Means by ‘Rule of Law’ TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 O4 z3 H5 x0 i9 K
By PAUL GEWIRTZ4 O: C3 @7 F" q: W% a# @
) A1 }* G) Y4 ZNEW HAVEN — Two weeks ago, with the democracy protests in Hong Kong in full swing, China’s official People’s Daily newspaper labeled them“illegal” and called for protecting “the rule of law” in Hong Kong. Such statements left observers with little doubt about a central meaning “the rule of law” has in the People’s Republic: the Communist Party’s use of law to control and regulate society. 6 f/ r' D7 D/ d O1 w2 f \TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。4 Z: H1 y( z, I1 F+ S5 b
Yet there’s plenty of evidence that China sees the rule of law in far more nuanced and complex ways. Today the Communist Party’s 18th Central Committee starts its Fourth Plenum, and the main topic will be the rule of law in China — the first time in party history that a meeting with the authority of a plenary session will focus on the rule of law. And there are reasons for a measure of optimism that the plenum will demonstrate more complex views about the roles law can play and also take meaningful steps to advance new legal reforms.- P8 d1 M# [3 ~ h0 Q" w! g
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Of course, legal reform has major limits in China’s one-party authoritarian system. There won’t be true judicial independence. All bets are off whenever the party sees a threat to its continued power; steps toward the rule of law don’t mean steps toward multiparty political democracy, which China’s current leaders totally resist. When the plenum issues its report, it will surely underscore that one central role of law is to maintain social order.5.39.217.77:8898# C' b& o* S' `+ a k+ T
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But, contrary to what pessimistic observers have predicted, the plenum is not likely to treat law as merely a tool for the party to control Chinese society, a throwback to the “Legalist School” of philosophy from 2,200 years ago which President Xi Jinping seems fond of quoting. Chinese society and its legal system have already changed too fundamentally for that, and the current regime led by Mr. Xi has already signed onto many reforms and even adjustments in ideology that represent positive steps toward a modern system of rule of law. These changes aren’t just window-dressing; they reflect the leadership’s recognition that it needs to improve governance, address widespread public grievances, and respond to public opinion. e+ `; O1 } |) M# z3 B5 p: u3 Z5.39.217.77:8898 , k6 d* R e6 o& ]4 p+ C7 z9 y8 D5.39.217.77:8898Consider some legal reforms that have been made in just the last few years. Use of the death penalty has been cut roughly in half, with improved procedures for deciding on its use. A new Criminal Procedure Law has been adopted, providing significantly more protections to suspects and defendants. The odious system of “re-education through labor” has been abolished (though, to be sure, what will replace it is still not clear). $ H1 _$ f3 ?" t; {. s! o6 utvb now,tvbnow,bttvb8 N+ K# \( f& E4 o* a
A sea change has taken place in government transparency, with important requirements of open government information changing the relationship between the state and citizens. Zhou Qiang, the strong new president of the Supreme People’s Court,recently issued a five-year judicial reform plan promising to enhance court independence from interfering local governments, increase judicial openness and transparency, improve fairness to individual litigants, and further professionalize judging. # g6 Q* x9 ^- m" i5 a2 y' ?( Ttvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 7 c" d6 Q$ l" J& l3 y' p* _) q+ b- Ntvb now,tvbnow,bttvbSome critics point to recent official statements demonizing “constitutionalism” and ask how can China be serious about legal reform if it denigrates or sidelines its own Constitution. In fact, “constitutionalism” has become a code word for a specific idea: importing Western political democracy, which China’s leaders will not accept. But as for the Constitution itself, Mr. Xi recently called it China’s “fundamental law” and said that to “govern the nation by law means to govern in accordance with the Constitution.” China currently has no effective mechanism for enforcing its Constitution — a major deficiency — but at least that crucial topic is now being openly discussed.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 I/ Z3 V1 A' E9 C+ Q* b
% @8 Z9 v8 Q3 @* r- |% b: f5.39.217.77:8898China’s leaders see improving the legal system not simply as a way to control society but as away to rein in wayward bureaucrats, insist that local officials carry out national policies, establish rules of the road for a more robust economy,provide peaceful ways for citizens to resolve disputes and seek redress for grievances, reduce the corruption that’s seen as the greatest threat to the Party’s continued hold on power — in short, to constrain government itself, not just to control society and contain social unrest. Mr. Xi may have been playing to the crowds when he recently spoke of “locking power in a cage,” but it was a recognition that the party needs to constrain some of its power in order to keep it. . t. C X( v* {TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。5.39.217.77:8898( s2 \" v0 L9 f8 a
Moreover, China’s maturing legal community, as well as ordinary Chinese citizens, follow these developments carefully, so expectations have been raised. Failure to deliver and actually enforce reforms would create a destabilizing push back on China’s leaders. The most convincing reason for outsiders to be cautiously optimistic about these developments is that many legal figures within China, like the revered legal scholar and reformer Jiang Ping, have written about the plenum with cautious optimism. ' P, l6 v( X% f3 o6 G9 S7 J5 s# }5 v! E5.39.217.77:8898This is not to say that China is about to abandon its preoccupation with “social stability,” which too often means silencing or imprisoning peaceful dissenters and activists who blow the whistle on some of the country’s many woes, including environmental degradation, abuses of power and needless policies against Tibetans and Uighurs.. But in the eyes of China’s leaders, social stability is what enabled China to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in a mere few decades, generate huge economic growth, and peacefully re-establish China as a major power among nations. The prospects for legal reform will be greatly enhanced if China’s leaders come to see how the rule of law itself contributes to social stability.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。* X3 W7 _; Q5 H' x' u6 [
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Above all, we should recognize that every reform made or promised in China, even in a regime that contains factions opposed to reform, provides an opening for a large group of scholars, activists, reform-minded officials, as well as ordinary citizens to push to implement the changes and to find new openings for reform. The constraints are real, but so are the dynamics for producing ongoing reforms. 9 i& t: A" ?2 M6 |0 g; Itvb now,tvbnow,bttvb . s! E. E/ R3 B: |: N; `8 h/ i- v5.39.217.77:8898 0 [/ f `! V4 r% tPaul Gewirtz is a professor of law, and the director of the China Center, at Yale Law School. 作者: maniac2000 時間: 2014-10-29 09:13 AM
中华人民共和国宪法序言第七段已经明文规定党领导一切，包括所谓的人大，人民民主专政，所以这次的四中全会，只是明确了党权高于一切而已，用反腐打击对手，提高自己个人形象与地位，再以明确法权属于党领导之下，强调一党独裁的合法性，这就是中共也是习近平的施政方针与理念。在四大全会的决议中，明文规定，可以对“不全时适"的法律进行修改，也就说明。党有修改法律的权力。这种根本就不是什么法治。完完全全的党权治国。与当纳粹上台后的所作所为没有一丝一毫区别。党权高于法权，党干部滥用党权，欺压法权，违法轻究，违法不究的年代即将开始。悲哉我中华大地，悲哉我中华百姓！作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-10-31 07:08 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-31 07:09 AM 編輯 " n2 }/ p0 @0 u9 ] 7 g$ A1 D3 H% m刑法修正案減言論維權空間 & {! b7 q, Y9 n E1 o: A, A$ [& ?* [造謠納刑事 擾亂法庭定義擴充tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb3 Y& z& Y& ] C2 @0 l; }* S9 H
