本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-27 06:48 AM 編輯 0 W& p$ Z3 w5 h* T5 A3 ` C公仔箱論壇 / m- ^2 O: L g0 @- O b6 o8 e4 ?TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。明報社評: 黨大法大未有定論 依法治國易成空談5.39.217.77:8898. F+ ?" M0 r1 U
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3 d6 ?3 V2 c: H, N1 Z1 h" _中共十八屆四中全會閉幕，這次會議由始至終受到注目的原因，是會議重點是「依法治國」，綜合會議公報內容，這次全會就依法治國提出了六大任務以及具體做法。六大任務當中，包括了加強憲法實施、加快建設法治政府、提高司法公信力、增強全民法治觀念、加強法治隊伍建設，以及最受注目的中共「黨的領導」。前五項若能按此目標切實發展，當是內地法治觀念抬頭的彰顯，對內地人民更是好事；但是「黨的領導」這一環若仍未釐清中共與司法機關的關係，即未能做到司法獨立，前五大任務做得如何出色，依法治國仍然可能是空談。 + Y/ q( v7 P' }8 v" v2 b( atvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 7 t3 Z7 ]. _( [) s; Y5 C% m5.39.217.77:8898四中全會新聞公報列出一些以前未見的內容，包括健全憲法實施及監督制度，內地法律學者認為，這可以視為較過去更重視憲法實施，未來人大有望通過監督制度，以助判定某些法律是否違憲。此外，公報中也有提及建立領導幹部干預司法活動、插手具體案件處理的紀錄，要求最高人民法院設立巡迴法庭，於實際司法工作而言，這些安排至低限度在司法工作層次可能起到某些作用。過往內地地方部門書記兼管政法的做法亦在扭轉當中，結合上述的新內容，如果能夠切實執行，對法治工作有一定提升。; L8 ^( V0 ]/ J& O: N1 t) R
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四中全會受到注目的原因，是因為中共在打貪運動後的一次全會，一般認為會就中共中央政治局前常委周永康案有所提及，但上周四發表的會議新聞公報沒有提到周永康，這可能是周案仍在調查當中。然而即便如此，周案到底涉及的罪行以及未來的司法程序，仍是內地政治的大事，中共切不可以為可以輕易走過場，否則的話，民心不服，對未來推動法治的努力事倍功半。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb$ u: Z$ Z4 l, V0 C) e
+ {$ \/ s( W6 D2 Q5.39.217.77:8898公仔箱論壇5 \2 z, X* B! |% b! C7 |; e# _7 h
政法委高於「兩高」 q! a. K% v. }' M( ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvb黨大於法彰彰明甚tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# J8 j6 V4 B3 w! B f {
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不過，周永康案畢竟已經展開調查，只差在調查及審訊會否有透明度，讓內地社會從中汲取教訓：像周永康般以「維穩」為名而上下其手，炮製獨立的司法王國政法系統，耗用幾千億維穩經費搞得全國上下緊張兮兮，像2008年北京奧運期間的嚴苛保安措施，北京卻因此變了鐵桶般密不透風。 0 e6 [6 t9 t. ttvb now,tvbnow,bttvb . D( }( b) Y, G$ N公仔箱論壇中央政法委不屬於國家行政部門，是中共黨內一個機關，現任書記是中央政治局委員孟建柱，委員包括最高人民法院院長周強，以及最高人民檢察院檢察長曹健明，兩個本應獨立的法檢系統負責人，都在政法委書記麾下，這種以黨代政的做法，最好在依法治國方針之下清除淨盡，這樣法治才可以全面開展。四中全會之後接着舉行中紀委全會上，公開報道並未提及周永康案，未來發展值得留意。5.39.217.77:8898 z& F4 Y" J1 K% I7 H' W7 r
1 F' \& ]0 g- ^+ P6 L公仔箱論壇以黨治法現象的出現，客觀上與中共仍未解決「黨大抑或法大」的老問題有着千絲萬縷關係。這也是一個延續近30年仍未解決的司法發展死結，「黨大抑或法大」的質疑首先出現於1985年，時任人大委員長彭真被香港傳媒問到這個問題時，坦率表示「我也不清楚」。當時中共剛經歷文革，百廢待興，改革開放才起步，若那時未能就此釐清情有可原；惟是已近30年後的今天，四中全會的新聞公報仍未有就此說明清楚，而仍是強調「黨的領導」，「着力建設一支忠於黨、忠於國家、忠於人民、忠於法律的社會主義法治工作隊伍」，黨的排名高於其他，恐怕這一討論此刻不可能有清晰結果。公仔箱論壇) I; v. a r8 g/ v5 q$ y
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 O% n3 Q6 E% y; k8 N/ D* L. S" C; U
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地方官員干預司法5.39.217.77:8898$ q0 E3 h& l) u4 o9 ?9 w. D% y
: A+ E6 x) p) R# ]4 ~8 i公仔箱論壇 1 K" d8 W; @; EWhat China Means by ‘Rule of Law’ ! p6 l: L5 [9 Stvb now,tvbnow,bttvbBy PAUL GEWIRTZTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# v- N1 G5 d/ Z! d) k- [! V
$ i. d3 G) |% p( W7 z* V+ yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。NEW HAVEN — Two weeks ago, with the democracy protests in Hong Kong in full swing, China’s official People’s Daily newspaper labeled them“illegal” and called for protecting “the rule of law” in Hong Kong. Such statements left observers with little doubt about a central meaning “the rule of law” has in the People’s Republic: the Communist Party’s use of law to control and regulate society.公仔箱論壇" l( m" m! X0 L, D
; C/ Z- Y! r$ a/ W, S" r; STVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Yet there’s plenty of evidence that China sees the rule of law in far more nuanced and complex ways. Today the Communist Party’s 18th Central Committee starts its Fourth Plenum, and the main topic will be the rule of law in China — the first time in party history that a meeting with the authority of a plenary session will focus on the rule of law. And there are reasons for a measure of optimism that the plenum will demonstrate more complex views about the roles law can play and also take meaningful steps to advance new legal reforms.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb8 C/ M: r: a8 [. Q
) s! P2 [8 L; u- Mtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbOf course, legal reform has major limits in China’s one-party authoritarian system. There won’t be true judicial independence. All bets are off whenever the party sees a threat to its continued power; steps toward the rule of law don’t mean steps toward multiparty political democracy, which China’s current leaders totally resist. When the plenum issues its report, it will surely underscore that one central role of law is to maintain social order. ) [- i$ J% _) HTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb+ y+ L' O* i+ h9 A. R
But, contrary to what pessimistic observers have predicted, the plenum is not likely to treat law as merely a tool for the party to control Chinese society, a throwback to the “Legalist School” of philosophy from 2,200 years ago which President Xi Jinping seems fond of quoting. Chinese society and its legal system have already changed too fundamentally for that, and the current regime led by Mr. Xi has already signed onto many reforms and even adjustments in ideology that represent positive steps toward a modern system of rule of law. These changes aren’t just window-dressing; they reflect the leadership’s recognition that it needs to improve governance, address widespread public grievances, and respond to public opinion. ) ?2 q1 I- I) U6 k& X) ?' yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。. k) A1 J1 l' m3 T8 o
Consider some legal reforms that have been made in just the last few years. Use of the death penalty has been cut roughly in half, with improved procedures for deciding on its use. A new Criminal Procedure Law has been adopted, providing significantly more protections to suspects and defendants. The odious system of “re-education through labor” has been abolished (though, to be sure, what will replace it is still not clear). ) ]4 N5 Y# U4 b. G$ Q; kTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 J0 @ j( I4 A1 `' rA sea change has taken place in government transparency, with important requirements of open government information changing the relationship between the state and citizens. Zhou Qiang, the strong new president of the Supreme People’s Court,recently issued a five-year judicial reform plan promising to enhance court independence from interfering local governments, increase judicial openness and transparency, improve fairness to individual litigants, and further professionalize judging./ G- i) M# g3 x: c; U% [+ f
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Some critics point to recent official statements demonizing “constitutionalism” and ask how can China be serious about legal reform if it denigrates or sidelines its own Constitution. In fact, “constitutionalism” has become a code word for a specific idea: importing Western political democracy, which China’s leaders will not accept. But as for the Constitution itself, Mr. Xi recently called it China’s “fundamental law” and said that to “govern the nation by law means to govern in accordance with the Constitution.” China currently has no effective mechanism for enforcing its Constitution — a major deficiency — but at least that crucial topic is now being openly discussed.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) _. l; K- x5 O# y A, C7 S4 D2 B
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China’s leaders see improving the legal system not simply as a way to control society but as away to rein in wayward bureaucrats, insist that local officials carry out national policies, establish rules of the road for a more robust economy,provide peaceful ways for citizens to resolve disputes and seek redress for grievances, reduce the corruption that’s seen as the greatest threat to the Party’s continued hold on power — in short, to constrain government itself, not just to control society and contain social unrest. Mr. Xi may have been playing to the crowds when he recently spoke of “locking power in a cage,” but it was a recognition that the party needs to constrain some of its power in order to keep it.: Z* z7 t0 W5 c4 I0 c( w, r% T
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Moreover, China’s maturing legal community, as well as ordinary Chinese citizens, follow these developments carefully, so expectations have been raised. Failure to deliver and actually enforce reforms would create a destabilizing push back on China’s leaders. The most convincing reason for outsiders to be cautiously optimistic about these developments is that many legal figures within China, like the revered legal scholar and reformer Jiang Ping, have written about the plenum with cautious optimism. ' M; {$ J! u2 f( h6 C) R n5.39.217.77:8898This is not to say that China is about to abandon its preoccupation with “social stability,” which too often means silencing or imprisoning peaceful dissenters and activists who blow the whistle on some of the country’s many woes, including environmental degradation, abuses of power and needless policies against Tibetans and Uighurs.. But in the eyes of China’s leaders, social stability is what enabled China to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in a mere few decades, generate huge economic growth, and peacefully re-establish China as a major power among nations. The prospects for legal reform will be greatly enhanced if China’s leaders come to see how the rule of law itself contributes to social stability.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb! {! t* R0 A) `" W- p4 l2 l
5 g' L. n3 e5 Y9 j) A9 jAbove all, we should recognize that every reform made or promised in China, even in a regime that contains factions opposed to reform, provides an opening for a large group of scholars, activists, reform-minded officials, as well as ordinary citizens to push to implement the changes and to find new openings for reform. The constraints are real, but so are the dynamics for producing ongoing reforms. 9 p/ f- q6 m% ]! s# `) _9 O/ g) ?4 {* ~$ W0 B/ T0 L
6 l* N1 P# y$ x Paul Gewirtz is a professor of law, and the director of the China Center, at Yale Law School. 作者: maniac2000 時間: 2014-10-29 09:13 AM
中华人民共和国宪法序言第七段已经明文规定党领导一切，包括所谓的人大，人民民主专政，所以这次的四中全会，只是明确了党权高于一切而已，用反腐打击对手，提高自己个人形象与地位，再以明确法权属于党领导之下，强调一党独裁的合法性，这就是中共也是习近平的施政方针与理念。在四大全会的决议中，明文规定，可以对“不全时适"的法律进行修改，也就说明。党有修改法律的权力。这种根本就不是什么法治。完完全全的党权治国。与当纳粹上台后的所作所为没有一丝一毫区别。党权高于法权，党干部滥用党权，欺压法权，违法轻究，违法不究的年代即将开始。悲哉我中华大地，悲哉我中华百姓！作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-10-31 07:08 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-31 07:09 AM 編輯 / }; v6 r* _9 \' m. [( d7 t
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/ ~2 j- J* C* v2 z " V- v) l' A( n6 o! b5.39.217.77:8898【明報專訊】明天即將結束的十二屆全國人大常委會第十一次會議，正在審議《刑法修正案（九）草案》，除了將9項非暴力罪名取消死刑，被指在尊重人權方面有所進步，但同時又增加了網絡犯罪的條款，造謠正式 納入刑事罪範圍，可能會壓縮網絡言論空間。此外，擾亂法庭秩序罪的範圍也有所擴充。有律師擔心，維權案件的辯護將更加艱難。5.39.217.77:88987 T/ P1 ]7 C" w" X$ `
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。; u6 b s2 E: Q9 ]. L' M+ f+ g
