公仔箱論壇 - Powered by Discuz! Board

標題: [時事討論] 一代人的堅持跨地域的良知／文﹕盧子健 [打印本頁]

作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-5-28 06:25 AM 標題: 一代人的堅持跨地域的良知／文﹕盧子健

一代人的堅持跨地域的良知／文﹕盧子健公仔箱論壇( o3 v6 Z) z" |/ F! S( i3 J: S7 r

——悼念「六四」事件25周年TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。& {8 J% w" N0 j) _6 V4 m

1 e5 N$ m- f+ Q$ R
悼念「六四」，不單是為了香港，也是為了中國。
0 R3 Q2 [3 u/ E+ J" ~+ l% c
悼念「六四」，不單是為了中國，也是為了人類的良知。

悼念「六四」，不單是為了這一代的良知，也是為了下一代的良知。5.39.217.77:8898/ T2 t* j; Q" C* j0 G; x$ y2 X# `  V

「六四」事件雖然轉眼間已經過去25年，我們這一代曾經為當年內地民主運動所鼓舞，而後來又因為其受鎮壓而悲痛的香港人始終不能忘記、也未敢忘記。我們堅持悼念「六四」，並希望薪火相傳，希望下一代不要忘記這場悲劇，希望他們繼續為中國的民主、自由和法治奮鬥。
tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb: ], h, C' \- y5 S8 q% j
去年10月，我第一次到訪德國柏林。當年象徵東西歐的分裂、資本主義和共產主義兩大陣營對抗的柏林圍牆，是在1989年倒下。那一年，中國的民主運動以悲劇收場。但在東歐，民主運動結束了共產黨的統治，為久經苦難的人民帶來了新生。公仔箱論壇' Q+ h: l& D6 R( V6 g- ^; ^

初次到訪柏林的旅客自不然會參觀圍牆的遺址。當我走過當年柏林圍牆曾經屹立的道路時，難免感慨萬千。過去20多年間，德國復歸統一，人民共享民主、自由和法治，政治、經濟和社會形勢穩定，國家成為歐洲第一大國。同一期間，中國經濟翻了幾番，以購買力平價計算整體經濟已經追上美國，綜合國力亦肯定已經晉身世界前列，但「六四」當年民主運動的理想仍然有如鏡花水月，遙不可及。在維穩的大前提下，在中國還有多少良心犯身陷囹圄？" K6 @! W3 ~& b
. P% R# X4 T4 }
不過，柏林令我印象最深刻的歷史紀念場所不是圍牆遺址，而是紀念上世紀二次大戰期間大屠殺的一個「碑林」。共產主義曾經吸引以億計的世界人民，但在歷史長河中只不過是一個短暫的片段。今天儘管還有少數國家是由號稱共產黨的政府執政，但是其國家的社會制度與共產主義風馬牛不相及。暴政、極權和專制也從來未有停止過為人類帶來苦難。上世紀納粹黨為猶太人帶來苦難，也為歐洲人民帶來苦難，亦為德國人民帶來苦難。悼念當年的大屠殺，不單單是令當年枉死的猶太人安息，更重要的是為沒有良知的黑暗日子作見證，並在這個基礎上重新煥發德國人的良知。堅持不忘大屠殺，才使德國人走出陰霾，重建一個繁榮、穩定和進步的國家。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# f2 A1 |' F2 K, I" \3 V2 a' S* t

5.39.217.77:88989 R2 a" p( Q& x/ r) T# X
中國大地曾出現良知的彩虹tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# T  a: Y) J: Z- L
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# V9 J& m, F. i% z
「六四」事件雖是悲劇，但它為我們留下了希望，就是在1989年4月中至6月初這50天期間，中國大地曾經出現過良知的彩虹。除了作為民主運動先鋒的學生外，我們見到很多同情學生的共產黨員，包括最後被罷免職務後再被軟禁的趙紫陽；我們見到很多聲援支持學生的學者；我們見到很多頂着政治壓力、冒着打壓風險來報道民主運動的新聞工作者；我們見到挺身捍衛學生的工人和普羅大眾。1989年6月3日的晚上，不少北京人民為阻截軍隊到天安門廣場清場而犧牲在長安街頭。在往後幾個星期內，眾多仁人志士、善良的老百姓掩護民主運動領袖離境，保障了他們的人身安全。
2 r0 d# j! r" w. V$ Q$ \& `( C" C
這是一段黑暗的日子，也是一段感人的日子。在香港，同樣有很多感人的時刻。還記得：1989年5月20日，在一個8號風球高懸、風雨交加的星期六，幾萬人由維多利亞公園出發，渾身濕透的遊行至當時位於皇后大道東的新華社（即是中聯辦前身）辦事處外抗議。我們毫不猶豫就坐在濕漉的柏油路上，臉上流的分不清是雨水還是淚水。還記得﹕往後的兩個星期天，過百萬人參與了愛國民主大遊行。大家是滿腔義憤，但示威行動秩序井然，沿途都有途人、商店的工作人員和司機等打氣支持，構建無數動人的場面。還記得﹕在那幾個星期內，市民捐錢出力支援內地民主運動，不論左中右、親中親英、基層中產上層等各方人士都表態聲援內地民主運動。

點點燭光為堅持作見證; ], M2 M- {9 I$ f: e! H/ R6 I
3 N5 v  p5 f+ j4 j9 i
1989年內地民主運動觸動每一個香港人的良知，驅動我們共同追求一個民主中國的動人理想。6月3日和4日在北京城發生的屠殺，及其後的武力鎮壓和秋後算帳，為這個理想帶來沉重打擊。我們見證了這一段既黑暗又感人的歷史。  @5 p3 f8 K0 C( {5 B4 `$ S/ f
# ]3 b8 U3 ]& w
25年，彈指一揮間，當年的激情深深地沉澱在心底。但每一次想起「六四」，在悲痛之餘，也想起當年北京市民和學生流的血和香港市民流的淚。它們同樣閃爍着良知的光輝，超越一代人的記憶，照亮我們的心靈。每一年在維園舉行的悼念「六四」晚會上的點點燭光，就像當年在長安街頭和天安門廣場犧牲的英靈的目光，為我們執著良知的堅持作見證。望着燭光，就像在黑暗中見到光明。我不知道還要堅持多少年才會見到一個民主中國，我只知道不能讓心靈內的良知熄滅，因為這是一代人的責任，也是這一代和下一代的希望。公仔箱論壇! J. @7 a( @: f6 c' ?

盧子健公共事務顧問

作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-5-28 06:27 AM

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-5-28 06:32 AM 編輯 ) l' D5 k1 u/ }6 ~9 B1 {
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。$ U7 l9 z. ^3 Z
Minxin Pei (裴敏欣) : Surviving Tiananmen
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。5 d, Y$ Z9 G0 j3 m5 i8 o- r2 t

HONG KONG – It may be hard to imagine, but 25years ago, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was nearly toppled by a nationwide pro-democracy movement. It was the late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping’s steely nerves and the tanks of the People’s Liberation Army – dispatched to enforce martial law and suppress the protests in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square – that enabled the regime, at the cost of several hundred civilian lives, to avoid collapse.
On the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 4, 1989, two questions stand out: how has the CCP survived the last quarter-century, and can its rule endure for another 25years?5.39.217.77:8898+ ?' j6 O9 k. J! m4 @

The answer to the first question is relatively straightforward. Policy adjustments, clever tactics of manipulation,and a healthy dose of luck enabled the CCP to win the support it needed to retain power and suppress destabilizing forces.

To be sure, serious mistakes were made.Following the massacre, China’s conservative leaders attempted to reverse the liberalizing reforms that Deng had initiated in the 1980’s, plunging the Chinese economy into recession. And the Soviet Union’s implosion in 1991 caused a panic in the CCP.
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) N5 Z  o" |4 _6 L, b) d! |. i4 i
But Deng again managed to save the Party.Mustering all of his energy and political capital, the 87-year-old leader revived pro-market economic reforms, unleashing an economic revolution that delivered an unprecedented wave of growth and development, thereby boosting the CCP’s credibility considerably.
tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb/ l) E2 D. A5 D9 [% [3 }8 \' k9 Z
Deng and his successors buttressed this trend by granting Chinese citizens considerable personal freedoms, fueling the emergence of a culture of crass consumerism and mass entertainment. In this new world of “bread and circuses,” it was far easier for the CCP to regain public support and suppress the opposition. Carefully orchestrated moves to promote Chinese nationalism and exploit xenophobia also helped.
公仔箱論壇& T, P2 ]- s  c3 g) `* E* a, i  j
Even repression, the mainstay of the regime’s survival, was fine-tuned. China’s newly acquired wealth enabled its leaders to build one of the world’s most technically sophisticated Internet firewalls and equip its internal security forces with the most effective tools.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb0 i( a7 i7 ?/ Q: N! |! {

In dealing with China’s small but resilient dissident community, the regime depends on the strategy of “decapitation.” In other words, the government eliminates the threat posed by leading opposition figures by jailing them or forcing them into exile, regardless of their prominence. Liu Xiaobo – who won the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize – was sentenced to11 years in prison, despite worldwide protest.
- y) k0 I$ v( J& j$ k; n) W2 e
However cynical, the approach has worked. But the CCP might not have been quite so successful had it not gotten lucky in a few critical areas. For starters, the post-1992 reforms coincided with a surge of globalization, which provided China with massive capital inflows (about $1 trillion in foreign direct investment since 1992), a slew of new technologies, and virtually unimpeded access to Western consumer markets. China thus became the workshop of the world, with its exports rising more than tenfold by 2007.

Another factor that worked in the regime’s favor was the so-called demographic dividend (an abundant labor force and a relatively small percentage of children and elderly dependents). This provided China with plentiful low-cost labor, while saving the government large expenditures on pensions and health care., w! y# n1 N7 S; W& h3 c
2 s$ ^4 v3 a* [) a  A
The problem facing the CCP now is that most of the factors that enabled it to survive since Tiananmen either have already disappeared or are headed in that direction. Indeed, for all practical purposes, pro-market reforms are dead. A kleptocracy of government officials,their families, and well-connected businessmen has colonized the Chinese state and is intent on blocking any reforms that might threaten their privileged status.5.39.217.77:88982 N+ L* \5 e8 t* V

Moreover, the CCP can no longer count on rising prosperity to sustain public support. Rampant corruption and rising inequality, together with obvious environmental decay, are causing ordinary Chinese – especially the middle class, which once had high hopes for reform –to become increasingly disillusioned.5.39.217.77:88984 `* T, n( G4 L: G1 j
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。6 z0 c- Z6 M  {$ H3 F1 E  o" e. f
At the same time, given rapid population aging, China’s demographic dividend has all but dissipated. And, given that China is already the world’s largest exporter, with more than 11% of the global market share, there is little room left for export growth in the coming years.
That leaves only repression and nationalism in the CCP’s  post-Tiananmen toolkit. And, indeed, both of them continue to play a central role in President Xi Jinping’s strategy for ensuring the Party’s survival.5.39.217.77:88986 O% x/ x  e" }3 i5 A

But Xi is also experimenting with two new devices: an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign and an attempt to revive pro-market reforms. So far, his war on corruption has made a bigger impact than his plan for economic reform.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb) F9 }) O. [! q
公仔箱論壇* W. j5 S; W# \0 t/ O. m( U
On the surface, Xi’s strategy seems sound.But waging war on corrupt officials and pressing for deep reforms aimed at dismantling China’s kleptocracy will inevitably bring Xi into conflict with China’s political and economic elites. The question is how he can overcome their resistance without rallying the Chinese people, whose political mobilization could endanger the one-party system.5.39.217.77:8898$ G1 w8 B+ S- \0 C/ G3 W

The CCP defied the doomsayers after 1989: It survived and preempted any further threats to its power. But the odds that it can hold on for another quarter-century have grown long – and are unlikely to improve.

Minxin Pei is Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States.
6 a4 q+ o" c# Z+ L, ]" T/ u+ N3 A. J5 w' w% \

作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-5-28 06:33 AM

馬傑偉：六四辯公仔箱論壇% F; \3 a9 P8 C8 b* s, ?, x/ [
; S# L+ i) V* P9 ~, D- p

大陸辯解六四屠城的官方觀點，以前較難浮現於香港。例如有人曾說天安門地上屍體可能是豬肉，這一類怪論，就算出現於媒體，曝光即死；那個如今已離世的左派健將，說出這番話來，馬上被批判得體無完膚。多年來，最常見的手法就是冷處理，不說、不提、不予置評，屠殺寫成風波、事件，大方得體的說，留給歷史評判。 2 F6 }! j- e, `; {7 |+ n. R I/ c& d

+ G- T4 `& E% @. Z
這麼多年，我在大學接觸不少大陸精英學生，來港念碩士博士的，都能交朋友、說實話。但有關六四，我一向不主動打開話題，由得他們自己去發現、去重新理解。早年比較緊張，不少學生避而不談，聽說，他們沾上六四紀念活動，會有政治後果。 tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb. j8 v: \* E/ ^. Q8 @* C- z7 l1 Y$ V
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。8 L; B7 E+ b' g% N# B# G. l

近年互聯網信息爆炸，避忌少了，大陸學生還不時相約到維園參加六四集會。以前心裡禁區較多，而且亦自覺是少數，政治問題不便清心直說。如今大陸富強，學生自信也增加，我開始直接聽到他們對六四的奇怪理解，說來理直氣壯，令我頗為錯愕。其中一說，大概如下 ﹕ 六四事件，最大的罪人是柴玲吾爾開希他們，煽動群眾，自己出鋒頭，就是不收手、不撤離，他們要做英雄，學生就賭上性命；六四包袱，老早應棄掉。看辯說者的神態，他是真心相信，這一場風波，死掉了的示威者被愚弄了，幸好中國捉緊機遇，發展經濟，才有今天的成就。 5.39.217.77:88984 U- e7 M. x/ J" Y5 }& H
公仔箱論壇/ v1 y# \2 R' n& h, g
tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb6 [+ M- ^/ M! i! ?
六四屠殺是大罪行，怎能以事件的枝節作辯解？六四一日不平反，那些似是而非的辯詞，模糊輕重，掩飾責任，為屠城開脫，就一代一代的，敗壞年輕學子的良知。

歡迎光臨公仔箱論壇 (http://5.39.217.77:8898/)